This is part one of a three part story which will present evidence discovered within the vital records archives of the United States, Great Britain and the Prefecture of Hiroshima, Japan which shows that Barack Obama exploited the municipality of Hawaii and U.S. Vital Statistics reporting methods in order to counterfeit birth records in a criminal attempt to deceive the American people and fraudulently usurp the power of the U.S. Presidency.

by Penbrook Johannson
of THE DAILY PEN

New York, NY – Barack Obama’s ineligibility to be President remains the most troubling concern for the American people over the past four years. The issue outweighs concern over healthcare, the economy and the war on terror, combined.

Regardless of transient political and social lusts, immovable Constitutional prerequisites dictate that no office Obama holds, or policy he implements, is legitimate without proving that he is qualified to implement them, first. Compounding our constitutional crisis, an ineligible President only makes these problems worse, no matter what party he or she represents. Marco Rubio will come to understand, just as Obama has, that hypocrisy is not a part of the constitutional eligibility platform.

Despite spineless commiseration with Obama by the mainstream media complex, including abettors at Fox News, MSNBC, CNN, CBS and ABC, public sentiment demanding a formal investigation into the matter of Obama’s Natural-born status, and thus his eligibility, continues to grow beyond the control of our government and media.

Soon, the vast and shocking truth about Obama’s otherness, based in part on evidence revealed in this report, will begin to rupture the constructs of Obama’s massive deception.

Presented here for the first time, in coordination with longstanding evidence supporting charges of fraud against Obama, is documented proof demonstrating multiple discrepancies between the dates and locations of Obama’s alleged birth registration and uncorroborated claims that his birth actually occurred on the island of Oahu, Hawaii in 1961.

Along with valid proof that the image of Obama’s “Certificate of Live Birth” is a digitally manipulated forgery, analysis of data on the image in reference with 1961 vital statistics reporting methods reveals there are conflicts between the vital statistics data educed about Obama and his ambiguous birth narrative.

As this report will show, the proof of Obama’s fraudulence resides in the domain of publicly accessible records which show that the birth registration procedures, federal vital statistics reporting methods and organizational structure of the Hawaiian municipality expose these contradictions and reveal that Obama’s Hawaiian birth is a fabrication of modern administrative processes and that his actual natal biography has been actively and intentionally obscured by present-day governmental officials.

REGIONAL NUMBERING OF VITAL STATISTICS

Vital statistics reporting methods in 1961 dictated that when births were registered in Hawaii, the official vital record was coded with a nine digit number called a geographic reference. Hawaii’s vital records are reported to the main office of the Hawaiian Department of Health in Honolulu from five counties comprised of seven geographic reference numbers as shown in the Vital Statistics Instruction Manual for 1959-1963. In Hawaii the geographic areas, numbered in alphabetical order by name of county, were coded as follows:




The geographic reference table shows the alphabetical order in which the counties of Hawaii were numbered by the National Vital Statistics Division and how vital statistics were required by the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare to be reported using codes indicating the state (first and second digit), county (third, fourth and fifth digit) and city (sixth, seventh and eighth digit) and population (ninth digit) with population being designated as follows:
Cities with populations of 10,000 or more within each state are number in alphabetical order. Rural areas not identified in birth records which have a population up to10,000 are numbered 999 in each state. In 1961, there were only two incorporated areas in Hawaii, the City of Honolulu in the County of Honolulu, and the City of Hilo in the County of Hawaii, coded as follows:

As indicated by this code, in reference with the population codes, the city of Honolulu was reported by 1960 Census figures to have a population of 250,000 to 500,000 and the city of Hilo, 25,000 to 50,000 with the City of Honolulu being designated as the Standard Metropolitan Statistical Area (SMSA).

Notice, according to the National Vital Statistics Division, Hawaii contained only two geographic references with populations specified as greater than 25,000. They are the incorporated area of Hilo in the County of Hawaii, which is located on the Island of Hawaii, and the incorporated city of Honolulu in the County of Honolulu on the island of Oahu which is also part of the state of Hawaii.
The incorporated area of Honolulu County covers the City of Honolulu for Region 3.


OUT OF ORDER: BIRTH REGISTRATION NUMBER EXPOSES OBAMA’S FRAUD

As first reported by The Daily Pen in 2010, in order to streamline accounting of millions of births reported by all the states in 1961, the National Vital Statistics Division (NVSD) of the U.S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare, as it was known, mandated a 50-percent reporting method from state agencies using even-numbered certificates only. This commonly practiced statistical accounting method was implemented periodically in order to accelerate the quantification and categorization of natal statistics while preserving the margins of accuracy of the data to be included in various reports and Census data.

In Hawaii in 1961, birth registration records were collected by the State of Hawaii’s Department of Health each week for births registered throughout the five regional offices between the previous Sunday at Midnight through Saturday at 11:59 p.m. Records from the five reporting counties were grouped in order by their geographic reference code into the seven groups shown above. Then the state of Hawaii’s Vital Statistics Registrar assigned birth registration numbers based, first, on regional occurrence with secondary consideration for chronological occurrence, as so stated in the 1961 Vital Statistics of the U.S. Report in Section 5, pg. 5-8.

In 1961, upon receipt of the states’ data by the U.S. DHEW, the final even-number total for each reporting region (divided by counties) in each state was simply multiplied by two, thereby assigning an equal statistical value for the unreported odd numbered certificates. The resulting number was published in the annual 1961 "Natal Statistics of the U.S. Report Volume 1: Natality" issued through the National Center for Health Statistics headed by Dr. Forrest Linder and members of the National Vital Statistics Division at the time.

Since state-level Departments of Health were mandated by the federal government to convey their data by the 50-percent reporting method using only even numbered registration numbers, the states' health departments were not able to utilize "chronological" birth numbering to account for births in 1961. This means that as birth registration requests arrived at states' main Department of Health offices, registrars had to first account them in order of receipt from regional office locations around the state. These were the offices in outlying and unincorporated areas (non-metropolitan areas) which most often provided birth registration services for rural, non-hospital, indigenous and foreign births since most main offices are nearest to major hospitals and city populations.

Understanding this regional birth registration system is critical when analyzing Obama birth records and it is essential to understanding why his birth registration number indicates that he has provided fraudulent birth data and, also, why it is out of sequence with other birth registrations.

REGIONAL VS. CHRONOLOGICAL BIRTH REGISTRATION

The 1961 Vital Statistics Report of the United States reveals there were 17,616 births registered in the state of Hawaii between midnight, January 1, 1961 and 11:59 p.m., December 31st, 1961. This means that the State of Hawaii reported 8,808 even-numbered registrations to the U.S. Department of Health.

Of the total births registered in the State of Hawaii, 14,906 were registered in the County of Honolulu, alone. This means that almost 85% of births are registered in just one of the five Hawaiian counties using 7,453 of the 8,808 even-numbers available leaving only 1355 even numbers for the remaining six regional birth registration areas.

If the state of Hawaii had assigned birth registration numbers in chronological order, without consideration for the regional origin of the birth registration, many of the remaining 2710 births in the four remaining counties would have been assigned a disproportionate number of odd registration numbers because they were “outnumbered” by Honolulu County births by 5.5 to 1.

Statistically, for every 16 births registered in the City of Honolulu, only one birth is registered in the City of Hilo. If the birth in Hilo were chronologically numbered among those other 16 from Honolulu and just happened to receive an odd number in 1961, it would never be reported as ever occurring. Worse yet, what if all 524 births in Hilo were randomly assigned odd numbers because of their chronological occurrence with the 14,906 births from Honolulu County. This is not impossible considering there are 7,453 odd numbers available.

The data reveals there were a total of 17,616 births registered and reported to the U.S. DHEW from the state of Hawaii in 1961. Of these, 9348 were registered outside the incorporated area of Honolulu leaving more than half the birth registrations of the Hawaiian Islands from places outside the shoreline boundaries of Oahu and, thus, outside the geographic authority of the Honolulu based Department of Health.

As shown in the table below, births were registered, numbered and reported from seven different regional groupings among five counties (Hawaii, Honolulu, Kalawao, Kauai and Maui) which are numbered in alphabetical order, according to NVSD protocols outlined in the Vital Statistics Instruction Manual, Part II, Section C - “Geographic Code”.

In order to avoid this statistical inaccuracy, states adopted regional birth numbering which assigned an equal percentage of even numbers within all birth regions, not just cities and densely populated areas. This allowed rural and urban births to be accounted accurately regardless of their chronological occurrence.

The only way to make sure there was an accurate accounting, based on the federal health department’s request that states use even-numbered reporting of natal statistics was for the states’ main DOH office to number births in order of receipt from regional offices, first, then consider them chronologically, second.

Therefore, the State of Hawaii, like many states, implemented a regional numbering of birth registrations to ensure that births outside of the urban area of Honolulu would be accounted for using the 50-percent reporting method using even-numbers only.

This "regional" ordering of birth registrations prevented an over-counting of native urban births because urban births occur in a much higher density and frequency and, therefore, are statistically more likely to receive an even number if only chronological birth numbering were used.

Compounding this problem in Hawaii is the fact that births can occur in a region stretching more than 1500 miles across the Pacific Ocean and still be called “Hawaiian” births. Hawaii’s municipal government does not operate like one in a mainland state. In 1961, the geographic chain of Hawaiian Islands stretched far beyond the reach of Honolulu’s municipal authority. The main offices of the Hawaiian Health Department had only enough resources to take registration information at face value and create documentation without investigation. It did this so often, it eventually became permissible by law via HRS 338 and Administrative Rule 91.

Also, five of Hawaii’s regional birth registration districts are separated from the City of Honolulu by oceanic boundaries and open water of the Pacific Ocean. In 1961, the municipal government of the State of Hawaii did not have computer technology and had tremendous difficulty in implementing native birth verification and immigration laws.

The regions from which birth registrations were received by the Hawaiian Department of Health’s main office in 1961 were:

1. Births registered in the County of Hawaii and within the incorporated area of Hilo on the island of Hawaii – 524 births.
2. Remaining births registered in the County of Hawaii (births registered outside of Hilo yet on the big Island of Hawaii) from the areas surrounding Hilo - 668 births.
3. Births registered in the County of Honolulu and within the incorporated City of Honolulu on the Island of Oahu – 8,268 births (Registered in Kapiolani Medical Center…i.e. the Nordyke twins 10638 and10637);
4. Remaining births registered in the County of Honolulu in remaining areas surrounding the incorporated City of Honolulu on the island of Oahu – 6,638 births (Not registered in Kapiolani Medical Center…i.e. Obama 10641);
5. Births registered in the county of Kalawao on the north shore of the island of Moloka’I – 0 births.
6. Births registered in the County of Kauai which consists of the islands of Kauaʻi, Niʻihau, Lehua, and Kaʻula – 604 births, and;
7. Births registered in the County of Maui which consists of the islands of Maui, Kahoolawe, Lānai, Moloka’i (except for a portion of Molokai that comprises Kalawao County), and Molokini – 914 births.
The following table illustrates Hawaii’s regional statistics and shows the order of the numbering sequence as it applied in 1961.

OBAMA’S BIRTH REGISTERED BY PLACE OF RESIDENCE, NOT PLACE OF OCCURENCE

The 1961 Vital Statistics Report of the United States reveals in Section 5-5 that birth statistics are classified by the mother’s usual place of residence. This means that, in Hawaii in 1961, if the mother of a child resided in Region 4 (in Honolulu County but outside of the Incorporated area of the City of Honolulu), but came into the City of Honolulu (Region 3) to have the child at one of the urban hospitals, the vital statistics for that baby were recorded by the Department of health as occurring in Region 4, not Region 3. However, if the father was a resident alien, foreign student or undocumented immigrant, the mother’s usual place of residence was considered the place of occurrence, regardless of the birth location.

Contrarily, if someone wanted to conceal a birth or obscure its data, registering it in an outlying area would accomplish this.

Therefore, chronological birth registration numbering creates a statistical accuracy problem when attempting to account the births which are not registered in major hospitals because those less frequent births might just happen to occur in a chronological order which renders a disproportionate quantity of them with odd numbers, therefore, preventing them from being reported by the 50-percent, “even-number-only” method.

Because of the even numbered reporting in Hawaii in 1961, if the birth registration numbers were assigned chronologically, and those from Hilo, Kalawao, Kauai and Maui counties were lumped in with the births registered in Honolulu county, they would not be accurately counted by the U.S. Department of Health, Welfare and Education because their fewer numbers would be vulnerable to odd numbering in higher proportion.

If this were allowed to happen without regional consideration, those rural or foreign birth registrations would not be reported to the U.S. Dept. of Health, and therefore, they would not receive "credit" for future federal services and funding of various programs.

Therefore, in 1961, the “50-percent” reporting method of even-numbered certificates only, forced state vital records agencies to use the Regional numbering system, instead of exclusive chronological numbering in order to make sure an accurate proportion of even numbered rural, foreign and non-hospital births were accounted for census and natal statistics reporting. This is one reason the U.S. DHEW added data categories to the official "Certificate of Live Birth" template in the 1950's in order to account for non-hospital births in comparison to the higher number of urban births.

The table below demonstrates the importance of clarifying birth registrations by regions in Hawaii. The U.S. Department of Health wanted to know the natality rates and status of births not only in highly populated areas, but in rural areas and non-metropolitan counties of each state.

In the alleged year of Obama's birth, regional clarification of birth data allowed Hawaii, with its scattered indigenous population and foreign birth registration history, a way to modulate the birth registrations from foreign, unnattended and non-hospital births without allowing them to be lost in odd numbers of the 17,616 total births that year and therefore promoted the Hawaiian municipal government’s need for federal funding for its population growth and expanding municipality.

As a result, Obama's birth was registered in a region whose certificates received a higher number even though his birth outside of Honolulu was recorded as allegedly occurring earlier than the Nordyke twins, because the regional offices, including the one which registered the Nordykes, had a lower regional reference number and served the main hospital at Kapi'olani.

Obama's birth did not occur in Kapi'olani Medical Center and these data prove it.

THE NORDYKES BORN IN KAPIOLANI MEDICAL CENTER, OBAMA WAS NOT

Moreover, the newspapers printed their birth announcements in the same order the certificates were numbered and in the order they were regionally registered by the main office of the State of Hawaii’s Department of Health in 1961.

Notice where Obama's announcement occurs within the columns of the two newspapers compared to the dates of other births in other announcements. Several births are dated days after his yet they are printed above his. This is because they were registered either in a lower numbered regional office or in the office serving Kapi'olani Medical Center and, therefore, received a lower registration number despite occurring after his birth, chronologically.

At the top of the column, why does the birth announcement for the Kitson’s August 6th birth occur before the Ayau’s July 31st birth? Because the birth of the Kitson’s son was registered with a lower number than the Ayau’s registration.

The Nordyke twins’ birth announcements appear several days later, on August 18th because, although they were born just a day later than Obama, their births were still numbered higher than other births at Kapi'olani that week because they occurred on the last day of the reporting period on August 5, which was a Saturday. The regional batches of births were printed in their respective groups by the newspapers with respect for column space available. This is yet another indication that the Nordyke births were registered in the Honolulu county main office while Obama's was registered in an outlying regional office. His birth announcement appear before the Nordykes even though his number is higher, because his birth was registered with a batch of regional births requiring less column space to include the entire week’s registration from that region.

The fact that Obama's birth registration number is higher indicates that his birth was not in the same order with other births in Region 3 because his birth did not actually occur in the City of Honolulu. In fact, his birth was registered some time after once a registration number became available in another region. In this case, probably region 4.

Therefore, this statistical evidence is a powerful indicator that Obama’s birth was not registered as a result of a birth in Kapiolani because his registration occurred after registration numbers were already applied to births for the week ending Saturday, August 5th, which did occur in Kapiolani medical center.

FOREIGN BIRTH SHELTER IN THE PACIFIC

It should be no surprise, given the Obama eligibility saga, that the word “Honolulu” means “place of shelter” in native Hawaiian language. In June of 1959, two months before Hawaii was officially granted U.S. statehood, the governor-to-be of Hawaii and the mayor of the Prefecture of Hiroshima, Japan met to discuss, among other things, a way to “streamline” immigration and citizenship rights for residents between the two states and, thus, help struggling Japanese citizens find refuge in the wake of the destruction wrought by World War II. The relationship between Hawaii and Japan was originally seeded by the “People to People Program” established by Eisenhower administration in the 1950s to promote peace and mutual understanding between citizens in the two former enemy nations.

In that same year, government officials of Honolulu and the city of Hiroshima officially adopted each other’s city as a “sister city” paving the way for an open and cooperative induction of bureaucracy, commerce and migration between the two municipalities. However, records show that the symbiotic history between these metropolises extends even deeper into Hawaii’s history than the 1950s and reveals that thousands of Japanese immigrants, since the mid 1800s, have entered Hawaii and received official native birth and citizenship status from the Hawaii Office of the Secretary of State via the Hawaiian Department of Health.

Most mainlanders do not realize that Hawaii has been under American statutory and legislative influence since 1898, 61 years before officially becoming a state. In 110 plus years, Hawaii has had 19 governors, 12 appointed prior to statehood, seven elected since statehood. Stanford B. Cole was the first governor of Hawaii, appointed by the McKinley administration from 1900 to 1903, 59 years before Hawaiian statehood. William Quinn became Hawaii’s first elected governor upon statehood in 1959. Between these two administrations, Hawaiian laws evolved out of what most Americans would consider foreign influence and cultural exclusivity.

From its earliest history, Hawaii cooperated with Asiatic nations in creating a model of immigration which, while intended to improve the lives of suffering immigrants, actually evolved out of social values and cultural homogeny into the very laws and administrative regulations of the state of Hawaii which would eventually facilitate Barack Obama’s illegal presidency.

Essentially, by exploiting Hawaii’s cultural history of drawing poor foreigners through its municipal exclusivity, without accountability to mainland America, Obama was able to deceive America. By using Hawaii’s municipal history and vital records processes to create a façade of legitimacy, Obama simply did what foreign immigrants have been doing for 100 years in Hawaii. Lying about who they really are, and where they actually come from.

The result of this deception was that he was able to hypnotize a bowing liberal consensus into accepting, wholesale, that he was eligible to be president by exploiting their willful ignorance and emotionalism.

ANCHORS A WAY!…TO ARTIFICIAL U.S. CITIZENSHIP

The exploitation of babies by their foreign-born parents as a means to achieve sanctuary within the U.S. and its affiliated territory and states has been around long before border jumping from Mexico. It appears that Hawaii, not Arizona, was the first anchor-baby harbinger in the U.S.

As stated, Hawaii has strong historic ties to Hiroshima. In as early as the decade between 1885 and 1894, approximately 30,000 people arrived in the island nation from Japan, primarily to work in the sugar industry.

Among these earliest recorded Japanese-to-U.S. immigrants were more than 6000 Japan-born children who received native Hawaiian birth records and, thus, native Hawaiian citizenship allowing their parents a legal mooring for residency and land ownership. Many foreign-born Japanese adults also received birth records which legally stated they were born in the territory of Hawaii. An estimated one-third, 10,000 of these 30,000 immigrants, came from Hiroshima.

New and not-so-new arrivals could receive birth records from the Hawaiian territory’s municipal records office by presenting nothing more than a handwritten or verbal testimonial of native birth from one witness (a medical doctor was not required), and an application signed by the applicant, the witness and the Territory’s Secretary of Records.

Archive records and recently filed vital statistics reports by the Hawaiian Office of Vital Statistics via the Sinclair and Hamilton libraries show that more than 357,000 Japanese citizens entered the U.S. through Hawaii illegally between 1911 and 1972. With them, were more than 41,000 young and newborn children who were relocated with many being granted Hawaiian native birth status and, thus, citizenship in the Hawaiian Islands and, eventually, by default as a result of statehood, citizenship of the U.S. At some point, soon after 1959, this infiltration of nameless hordes triggered a formal response from the government of the State of Hawaii to introduce “accommodation” policies. Therefore, Hawaii’s administrative authority formed the “Certificate of Hawaiian Birth” program in which anyone willing to apply could receive a Hawaii birth certificate regardless of where they were actually born.

“This is unprecedented in American immigration history. Essentially, immigrants who were already present in Hawaii at the time of statehood were automatically granted U.S. citizenship by default when the islands became a U.S. state, and they were provided false birth documentation as a primary form of official U.S. identification,” says Dan Crosby after his investigation of the history and vital records processes in Hawaii.

“Municipal officials and law enforcement personnel working in Hawaii simply did not question identity and citizenship at that time. It would have been like verifying the source and identity of a grain of sand on a Hawaiian beach,” Crosby continued.

“Once you look at the history of this place in depth, it really is not surprising to learn that many of these ‘citizens-by-presence’ simply claimed that their children were born in Hawaii so they could have an identity as Hawaiian citizens, nor is it surprising, once you look at the dynamics between Hawaii and Japan, that they were issued simple birth records stating so. In fact, it seems logical that they allowed it,” says Crosby.

“Unfortunately, however, it is a violation of the U.S. Constitution when one of those foreign-born Hawaiian orphans tries to run for president.”

Crosby explains that the large volume of people actually prevented an extensive legal verification process because the time and resources required to accomplish it were simply not available. He also gives compelling reasons why it was actually a benefit to Hawaii to declare foreign-born children as native Hawaiians.

“Money. Duh!” quips Crosby.

“The bigger the population native to Hawaii, the more financially viable the demographic is to the federal bureaucracy. Tax payers and municipal services keep the federal government in business. Keep in mind, there was little to no official immigration enforcement in Hawaii before statehood. Hawaii just didn’t have the municipal resources from 1898 to the 1960’s to verify the legitimacy of applicants’ birth claims and parentage, so they just handed out birth certificates like candy,” says Crosby.

“Eventually, the informal social precedence became statutory law and the state of Hawaii, after 1959, simply made it a policy and formal process to issue native birth records to foreign born children because it was so burdensome to enforce rigid verification standards for so many entering the islands from all sides. Remember, this is not Oklahoma or North Dakota…this place is in the middle of thousands of square miles of open water directly accessible to more than 80 different countries. This little island didn’t stand a chance. You could’ve had Asian immigrants walking into Hawaii after swimming the Maui Channel between islands. Once they got here, who the hell is gonna know they aren’t native? There is no immigration enforcement body. Who would care when everyone else is lying too?”

Wayne Miyao, president of Honolulu Hiroshima Kenjin Kai and chairman of the Hiroshima-Hawaii Sister State Committee says, “The numbers seeking a new life were staggering. Thousands of Japanese citizens who had been struggling for years since the end of the war were desperate to enter the U.S. via the remote, unchecked Hawaiian Territory after 1945. This should not be a surprise to anyone considering what happened in Hiroshima.”

OBAMA BENEFITTED FROM A CULTURE OF "ATOMIC GUILT"


Supporting Hawaii’s explanation for its failed immigration and vital records enforcement policies between 1945 and 1964 was that those living and working in Hawaii were torn between their political moorings with the U.S. and their sympathy for atomic bomb survivors from Japan.

“This is at the heart of the two city’s sisterhood celebration here,” says Crosby, “The sentiments over this issue were so deeply held and so evocative that it was essentially made a law of social nature that Japan had open and unfettered access to Hawaii. From there, I believe the social attitudes and municipal policy of Hawaii officially supported, if not actively promoted, the extralegal assimilation of all foreigners into the American landscape. Ultimately, these attitudes and ‘creeping warrants’ is how Obama ultimately became an illegitimate president. Guilt and shame, not hope and change.”

In 1985, the Prefecture of Hiroshima presented Honolulu with the Hiroshima Peace Bell. A bell-ringing ceremony is held each year at the Izumo Taishakyo Mission near Chinatown to mark the 1945 atomic bombing of Hiroshima. Included in the ceremony is a traditional Shinto offering of fruits, vegetables, sake and rice for purification and blessing.

In 2001, the Hiroshima Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Hiroshima Prefecture, and the City of Hiroshima presented to the Honolulu Japanese Chamber of Commerce a replica of the Torii Gate at Hiyajima, a World Heritage Site, as a symbol of our everlasting friendship. In 2002, the Honolulu Japanese Chamber of Commerce presented the same token of friendship to the City and County of Honolulu. This $165,000, tax funded, 26-foot-high structure, a symbol of Japan’s illegal immigration into the U.S. and the preeminent symbol of the Shinto religion, now stands on public land at the intersection of King and Beretania streets, in Moiliili.
In 2009, the cities of Hiroshima and Hawaii celebrated the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Sister City Relationship between the City and County of Honolulu and the City of Hiroshima.

“Hiroshima was Honolulu’s first sister city, and we’re very proud of our warm and strong relationship,” Mayor Hannemann said. “It’s very important that we celebrate this historic occasion appropriately and continue to share our aloha with the wonderful people of Hiroshima.”


....and a few other people, it appears.


READ PART II COMING SOON